SKU: 60128626489

Feuling Parts Feuling 521 Race Series® Camchest Kit For M-Eight

Name: Feuling Parts Feuling 521 Race Series® Camchest Kit For M-Eight
Brand: lesnenettesduvin.com
SKU: 60128626489
Price: 947.98 USD
Availability: InStock
Rating: 4.4023 (746 reviews)

$853.18 $947.98

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Description

Feuling Parts Feuling 521 Race Series® Camchest Kit For M-EightFEULING M Eight OIL COOLED camchest kits include all necessary components from top to bottom of the camchest conveniently packaged under 1 part #. These combination kits not only ensure each individual part is designed to work and function together but to do so in total harmony. These camchest kits take the guess work out of the ordering process and guarantees the engine builder maximum reliability, peak performance and the coolest engine and oil

FEULING^® M-Eight OIL COOLED camchest kits include all necessary components from top to bottom of the camchest conveniently packaged under 1 part #. These combination kits not only ensure each individual part is designed to work and function together but to do so in total harmony. These camchest kits take the guess work out of the ordering process and guarantees the engine builder maximum reliability, peak performance and the coolest engine and oil temperatures obtainable.

RACE SERIES CAMCHEST KIT W/ REAPER 521 - Chain Drive, Fits Milwaukee Eight 17-20 Oil Cooled Engines (see applications below)

• RACE SERIES^® kit
• Quieter and smoother engine operation
• Increase oil pressure, scavenge volume and engine oil flow
• 27% more pressure and scavenge gear volume over stock
• 42% more scavenge volume with port sizing, matched passages and holes to the engine case
• 68% more oil volume to the crankshaft and connecting rod bearing
• 15-25 degree cooler engine temperatures
• 15-30 degree cooler oil temperatures
• 10-30 more PSI of oil pressure
• Reduces wet sumping, blow by and oily air cleaners
• Magnets in oil pump to help protect gears and pressure relief valve
• Test results show 2 HP gain and 2 ft/lbs of TQ gain to the rear wheel on Milwaukee Eight
• NOTE: FEULING test results show a 50% reduction of engine sump oil level.

521 CAM - Aggressive pulling power with a nasty sound, the REAPER 521 grind will shine in 114 and larger cubic inch engines with added compression ratio. Ported cylinder heads are not required but will complement the cam and add even more pulling power throughout the range. The stock throttle body produces an excellent powerband and use of a high flow throttle body will increase peak power numbers. A high flow exhaust system and air cleaner is highly recommended for optimal performance.

NOTE: High Lift valve springs are required on stock cylinder heads, see FEULING BEEHIVE valve spring kit #1107 (DRAG# 0926-2973) or #1108 (DRAG# 0926-2974). SE cylinder heads have high lift valvesprings and will accept the 521 grind cam.

RPM range 2,250 - 6,250. Grind: 521

Valve Lift Open Close Duration @ 50 lift @ TDC Lobe Centerline
Intake .518 17 BTDC 34 ABDC 231 .162 98.5
Exhaust .521 51.5 BBDC 11.5 ATDC 243 .125 110
Overlap: 28.5

Kits include: FEULING^® high volume Oil pump, HIGH FLOW billet Camplate, REAPER^® Series Camshaft, hydraulic roller lifters, fixed length pushrods, TIMKEN^®/KOYO^® cam bearing, rocker arm studs and nuts, gaskets, O-rings, ARP^® cam/crank fasteners, washers, moly lube and LOCTITE^®.

-RACE SERIES^® Kits include a RACE SERIES^® oiling system: billet 7075 oil pump, RACE SERIES^® lifters, HIGH FLOW billet 7075 aluminum camplate.
• Billet 7075 aluminum oil pump which is 50% harder and stronger than the factory pump holding tighter tolerances under temperature, deeper scavenge kidneys over HP+ oil pump.
• Deeper scavenge kidney ports over the HP+ series for even more scavenge flow volume
• RACE SERIES^® hydraulic lifters have a full .200 of total travel designed with a slower bleed down rate to handle heavy valve spring pressures, increase engine RPM before valve float and feature increased roller clearance for steep ramped camshafts and clearance for the Milwaukee Eight front exhaust camshaft lobe flange.

OIL LEVEL NOTE - DO NOT OVERFILL OIL TANK
It is important to get the correct hot oil level in your bike. Feuling recommends running the oil level 90%-99% full when hot.

Note: The M-Eight oil pick up port is on the right side of the engine. Letting the bike idle or warm up on the kickstand will naturally fill the engine case and skew the oil level in the tank.

We recommend the following steps to achieve proper oil level:
1. Check cold oil level.
2. Ride the bike until operating temperature is reached.
3. Shut the bike off while still in the upright position. (This insures an accurate reading)
4. Once the bike is on the kickstand check oil level.
5. Add or remove oil as needed.

RS camchest kit Fits: Milwaukee Eight Oil Cooled Engines

DISCLAIMER: NOT LEGAL FOR SALE OR USE IN CALIFORNIA ON ANY POLLUTION CONTROLLED MOTOR VEHICLES

Feuling^® does not recommend tuning beyond stock emissions standards.

FITS:

Milwaukee Eight 17-20 oil cooled, Chain Drive, Includes 521 Reaper Camshafts #1346, Cam Install kit #2030, RACE SERIES Lifters #4017, one piece pushrods #4087, RACE SERIES oil pump #7020, HIGH FLOW camplate #8017, and ARP Rocker studs and nuts, Camplate/Oil Pump Fasteners.

Fitments

YEAR	MAKE	MODEL
2020	Harley-Davidson	CVO Tri Glide FLHTCUTGSE
2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Low Rider S FXLRS
2020	Harley-Davidson	Road Glide Limited FLTRK
2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Standard FXST
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	FXDR 114
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Low Rider FXLR
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Street Glide Special FLHXS
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Sport Glide FLSB
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Heritage Classic 114 FLHCS
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Freewheeler FLRT
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Deluxe FLDE
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Road Glide Special FLTRXS
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Fat Bob 114 FXFBS
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Fat Boy 114 FLFBS
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Heritage Classic FLHC
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Softail Slim FLSL
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	CVO Street Glide FLHXSE
2019-2020	Harley-Davidson	Electra Glide Standard EFI FLHTI
2019	Harley-Davidson	Softail Fat Boy FLFB
2019	Harley-Davidson	Softail Breakout FXBR
2019	Harley-Davidson	Softail Fat Bob FXFB
2019	Harley-Davidson	Softail Street Bob FXBB
2019	Harley-Davidson	Electra Glide Police FLHTPI
2019	Harley-Davidson	Softail Breakout 114 FXBRS
2019	Harley-Davidson	Electra Glide Ultra Classic EFI FLHTCUI
2019	Harley-Davidson	CVO Road Glide Custom FLTRXSE
2018	Harley-Davidson	Forty-Eight Special XLXS
2018	Harley-Davidson	Iron 1200 XLNS
2017-2020	Harley-Davidson	Road King Special FLHRXS
2017-2020	Harley-Davidson	Tri Glide Ultra Classic FLHTCUTG
2017-2020	Harley-Davidson	Street Glide EFI FLHX
2017-2020	Harley-Davidson	Road King EFI FLHR
2017-2020	Harley-Davidson	Road Glide Custom FLTRX
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	Iron 883 XLN
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	Forty-Eight XLX
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	883 SuperLow XLL
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	Street 750 XG
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	Street 500 XG
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	1200 Roadster XLCX
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	Street Rod 750 A XG
2017-2018	Harley-Davidson	1200 Custom EFI XLC
2017	Harley-Davidson	CVO Pro Street Breakout FXSE
2017	Harley-Davidson	Softail Slim S FLSS
2017	Harley-Davidson	SuperLow 1200 XLT
2017	Harley-Davidson	1200 XLCP
2017	Harley-Davidson	V-Rod Muscle VRSCF
2017	Harley-Davidson	Fat Boy S FLSTFBS
2017	Harley-Davidson	Softail Slim FLS
2017	Harley-Davidson	Fat Boy Lo FLSTFB
2017	Harley-Davidson	Night Rod Special VRSCDX
2017	Harley-Davidson	Fat Bob FXDF
2017	Harley-Davidson	Low Rider S FXDLS
2017	Harley-Davidson	Wide Glide EFI FXDWGI
2017	Harley-Davidson	Street Bob FXDB
2017	Harley-Davidson	Softail Deluxe EFI FLSTNI
2017	Harley-Davidson	Softail Heritage Classic EFI FLSTCI
2017	Harley-Davidson	Breakout FXSB
2017	Harley-Davidson	Low Rider EFI FXDL
2001, 2017	Harley-Davidson	Softail Fat Boy EFI FLSTFI

Disclaimer: NOT LEGAL FOR SALE OR USE IN CALIFORNIA ON ANY POLLUTION CONTROLLED MOTOR VEHICLE. Not legal for sale or use on any EPA pollution controlled motor vehicle.

Shipping Notes

Free Standard Shipping on $100+ Orders to the USA.
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Exchange/Return Notes

We offer a 30-day return/exchange service after receiving.
Final sale items are not eligible for returns or exchanges.
To process your return/exchange, please contact us at [email protected]
Please click here for more details>>> Return & Exchange Policy

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Product Reviews

[email protected]

Grantham, US

★★★★★ 3

Good to excellent content - terrible publishing policy

Format: Hardcover

Lewis (Not "Flewis") wrote a decent text a number of years ago. It was then expanded to a companion volume (Analytical Sedimentology) with another author. The two nicely complement each other but the mind boggles at a price of almost $100 per each. The publisher has clearly made little effort to control the cost. Redundancy between the two volumes is excessive, hard cover rather than soft is used and, indeed, both could easily have been combined in one less pricey volume. A valuable resource to students and professionals has therefore been compromised by publisher, author or both due to ignorance, greed or stupidity. A terrible shame!

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Reviewed in the United States on January 5, 1998

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JMB1014

Port Orchard, US

★★★★★ 5

An Excellent Introduction to Legal and Constitutional Reasoning

Format: Hardcover

This is an excellent introductory volume for people who feel confused by the debate over "original intent" versus a "living Constitution." David A. Strauss is a law professor at the University of Chicago. His book is a quick read (139 pages), with no notes, bibliography or other impedimenta - just an index. It's a very lucid explanation of legal reasoning and how the Supreme Court has followed this basic process over time. Hence the "living constitution" is really just an instance of the English common law tradition functioning normally. This book will teach many Americans how legal reasoning actually operates in practice. It is a common-sensical and conservative process that seeks at once to promote predictability and fairness. By and large, it has worked well. The phrase "living Constitution" has been denigrated by people who seek to turn back the calendar to a day when more "traditional" values were imposed by law. In so doing, they have invoked an historical fiction, the "original intent" of the framers of the Constitution. The myriad problems arising from this effort, if not its disingenuousness, have been discussed with insight and erudition by such excellent minds as Jack Rakove ("Original Meanings")and Akhil Reed Amar ("The Bill of Rights," and "The American Constitution: A Biography"), to name just two. The real point of this book, I think, is to explain basic legal reasoning to a mass audience. This does a great service. It also shows how naturally the common law evolves, how it tends to restrain judicial activism and yet to permit flexibility as times and circumstances change. As Dean Roscoe Pound of the Harvard Law School put it in his book, "The Spirit of the Common Law," the common law is "essentially a mode of judicial and juristic thinking, a mode of treating legal problems rather than a fixed body of definite rules...." This is a critical distinction. Some so-called conservatives insist that judges must simply apply the law like automatons, as if it were a "fixed body of definite rules." They then seek to enlist the founding fathers in declaring what those rules are, or how definite they must be. But as Dean Pound and centuries of legal history demonstrate, this notion is far removed from the truth, and remote from any useful notion of adjudication. All Anglophone law schools, lawyers and judges are engaged in the process Dean Pound discusses. The common law tradition arose in England over the course of centuries. We imported it to this country in part because it was workable and practical, and because it was brilliantly and systematically expounded by Chief Justice Edward Coke in the 17th century and by Lord William Blackstone shortly before the American Revolution. No one would suggest that the common law tradition means the law is the captive of judges' subjective whims. Such an assertion would have sounded ludicrous to the English as well as to the founders. But as Strauss - and volumes of legal history - unsurprisingly demonstrate, the common law tradition is the key to constitutional interpretation. The common law is an inherently conservative instrument. It evolves incrementally. Those who complain about the "living Constitution" argue that judges merely rule according to their subjective prejudices. They contend that it is the legislative branch that should be charged with interpreting the Constitution. Of course, all three branches of government must interpret the Constitution from time to time. But the legislative branch should not have the last word in determining whether its own enactments meet constitutional scrutiny: To borrow from Chief Justice Coke, no one (including the legislature) may be the judge of his own cause. The function of determining whether legislation conforms to the Constitution has been and still is wisely confided to the courts, which by virtue of centuries of practice (as reflected in published opinions) have substantial expertise in the area and are independent. One also hears complaints that judges are insulated from reality. But courts are not insulated - they are independent. And they are independent precisely so they are not subject to being influenced by lobbyists or terrified by a challenger in a primary election. To show how the common law works, Strauss discusses the evolution of constitutional thought in relation to two major issues: freedom of speech and segregation in public schools. He explains how the "clear and present danger" test in freedom of speech cases evolved, implicating not just such considerations as the threat of imminent harm, but also that some kinds of speech have lower societal value (libel, obscenity, fighting words), while other kinds of speech have more societal value (great literature, political speech). Strauss goes on to discuss how Brown v. Board of Education (1954) was far less a radical overturning of an entrenched precedent, Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), than a logical step in the development of the law. In so doing, he uses an example from the law of torts, where customers injured by dangerous products originally were barred from suing the manufacturer unless they had a contractual relationship with it. At first, the fact that a product was inherently dangerous overcame the requirement of a contractual relationship. As it became harder to draw a line between ordinary products and those that were inherently dangerous, however, the old requirement of a contractual relationship was found to have outworn its purpose and customers were permitted to sue the manufacturer who had created a foreseeable risk of harm. Thus, in products liability cases, as in racial equality cases, the law evolved to meet the new demands posed by changed circumstances. Strauss shows the development of the law by discussing cases on racial equality decided after Plessy that gradually undercut the Plessy decision until it was no longer tenable. Strauss does what law professors do every day: teach the law by showing how it evolved. His explanation, however, is so concise and clear that it makes the discussion seem not just sensible but compelling. Thus we see that the law works. As Strauss points out, we never wrangle over some constitutional issues because they are cut and dried (you have to be 30 years old to be a senator) or because certainty is required (January 20 is the day the new president takes office, no matter how unstable the current domestic or world situation). Other provisions require more effort to interpret, but this is because the founders brilliantly provided that some matters could be spelled out specifically in advance, while others would have to be expressed in more general terms, which could be adjusted to changing needs and times (e.g., the "necessary and proper" clause in Article I, Sec. 8). Interestingly, Strauss does not consider amendments to the Constitution to be part of what makes it a living document, since the amendment process is so onerous, slow, and seldom used. He points out how some amendments merely ratified the status quo, or served to clean up outliers, resolved technical issues, or were ahead of their time. As he offers these judgments, which seem balanced and reasonable, he also explains some of the less familiar amendments in a way that will have readers raising their eyebrows and saying "Oh, so that's where that came from." At the outset of the book, Strauss sets out three objections to originalism: That it is often, as a practical matter, impossible even for professional historians to discover what the intentions were of various founders with respect to matters discussed in the Constitution. That even if an intent of the founders could be discovered, it would pertain to the understanding they had about their world: how does one go about trying to fit that understanding to our world? That as Thomas Jefferson pointed out, one generation is to another as one sovereign nation is to another. The world belongs to the living. The notions of people long dead cannot bind us in the present or future. Strauss correctly observes that the third of these objections is by itself fatal to originalism. The founders were not so impressed with themselves that they felt their "intentions" should be forever imposed on posterity. Had they been dedicated to such a dubious project, they would surely have done a better job of documenting their debates and compromises during the Philadelphia convention. But little remains of those deliberations aside from the notes kept by James Madison. The Constitution, moreover, reflects their understanding that the future could not be shackled forever to the time in which they lived. They realized that the slave trade, for example, would prove intolerable and therefore provided that it could be abolished by at least 1808. So was their "original intent" to permit the slave trade, or was it that the slave trade should be abolished? And what does this say, if anything, about their intentions toward the institution of slavery - a word that did not even appear in the Constitution until the Thirteenth Amendment was adopted in 1865? Most damning of all to the originalist position is what Thomas Jefferson said on the subject. In a letter dated July 12, 1816, to Samuel Kercheval, Jefferson wrote "Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the arc of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the present, but without the experience of the present; and forty years of experience in government is worth a century of book-reading; and this they would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors." He added, "Let us follow no such examples nor weakly believe that one generation is not as capable as another of taking care of itself, and of ordering its own affairs." He even called for revision of the constitution at stated periods. While originalists would love to claim Jefferson as one of their own, his words - and indeed his whole life - prove that he was completely at odds with their approach. Men like Jefferson and Franklin, who were devotees of science, were fascinated by the progress men could make in trying to understand and improve their lives. Jefferson was an eager student of nature and did considerable experimentation with crops on his plantation. He famously wrote his "Notes on the State of Virginia" to refute the widely read claims of the French naturalist Buffon about the supposedly weak, degenerate, and insipid life forms to be found in the New World. The idea that such men, who were committed to the growth of knowledge, would seek to confine all future generations to the limited understanding they possessed of the universe in 1787, is worse than laughable. It can only be explained by the polemical purposes of those whose arguments for a regressive social order are so feeble that they have to seek refuge behind an imaginary "original intent" that they erect - as if the founders wanted their limited knowledge and often unarticulated, conflicting, or ambivalent intentions to restrict the great national experiment forever. Given the explicit language of Thomas Jefferson, quoted above, it is apparent that "originalism" actually belies and defies the express intent of Jefferson, one of the most eminent of the founders. It seems paradoxical but it was his original intent that his original intent should not govern future generations! Original intent also appears anomalously restrictive when one considers that the founders never contemplated the existence of an Air Force, though they expressly provided for the Army and the Navy. And ask an originalist what the original intent was with respect to the Second Amendment's use of the term "arms." The founders had no concept of assault rifles or machine guns, let alone nerve gas, laser-guided bombs, predator drones, or nuclear weapons. How do we impose an intention on them to assert what they could not have foreseen, namely, that ordinary householders in the 21st century should have a personal, constitutional right to be able to obliterate a small army in a matter of seconds, based on the founders' notions about the 18th century saber, musket or pistol? Likewise, the Eleventh Amendment says nothing to prohibit a person from suing her own state - just other states. Yet even "textualists" read an unwritten provision into the Eleventh Amendment because it suits their view of how "sovereign" the states should be. When given this kind of a taste of their own medicine, originalists collapse in helpless sputtering and exasperation. Exposed to Strauss' very sensible discussion, the concerns of originalists reflect opportunism and disingenuousness. After all, we should not expect lawyers and judges to become armchair historians, especially under the time pressures of litigation and in the face of hotly contested issues. We should not pretend the founders had some monolithic intent, least of all with respect to matters of which they had no concept. And as Jefferson pointed out, the relationship of one generation to another is like that of one sovereign nation to another: we cannot expect to bind future generations by the intentions of people who are long since dead. In short, there will always be those who resist change and those who welcome it. If you really want to see "judicial activism" at work, you will not find much of it in the common law tradition. A far better example is the recent decision - by the so-called conservatives on the Supreme Court - in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission.

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Reviewed in the United States on May 18, 2010

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Benjamin Douglass

Draper, US

★★★★★ 5

An Excellent Read

Format: Kindle

The author talks about our constitution as a "living document" and expertly draws the distinction between this and the originalist interpretation as a "dead document."

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Reviewed in the United States on October 5, 2018

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Frederick S. Goethel

Massapequa, US

★★★★★ 4

The Constitution: A Living or Static Document

Format: Hardcover

There has been a debate over the past several decades on whether the US Constitution is a living document that should be interpreted according to current mores and standards or whether it is a static document that should be interpreted using only the meaning found in the original wording of the document. The author, in this book, makes the case that the Constitution is, in fact, a living document that should be interpreted by modern standards and by using principles of common law. There are examples given that, quite frankly, are very persuasive. For instance, if the Constitution were interpreted using original language, we would not have the freedom of speech that we now enjoy. A careful reading of the First Amendment will show that only Congress was prohibited from making laws that abridged free speech. There were no constraints on the states or on other governmental bodies. Whether or not you agree with the author on how the Constitution should be interpreted, this book will make for some though provoking reading and interesting discussion. The book was well written, fairly easy to understand and should be read by all who are concerned about where the Supreme Court is now and where it is headed.

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Reviewed in the United States on May 23, 2010

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garynini

Whiting, US

★★★★★ 5

Clear, cogent, and illuminating

Format: Kindle

Clear, cogent, and illuminating explanation of the difference between two approaches to interpreting the Constitution: originalism and the Living Constitution

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Reviewed in the United States on September 18, 2015